Democracy and Homeland Security: Strategies,
Controversies, and Impact
Part I. Papers Presented in Panels 1–4
9/11 Detainees and Deportees: Are They Transforming Images
of the United States?
Right after 9/11 there was a short span of time when almost
the entire world felt sorry for the tragic loss of the United States. However, that
widespread empathy subsided very quickly and anti-American sentiment has
grown to unprecedented levels, specifically among the Muslim populations.
The Pew Research Center survey in 2003 noted: "Negative
views of the U.S. among
Muslims, which had been largely limited to countries in the Middle East,
have spread to Muslim populations in Indonesia and Nigeria.
Since last summer, favorable ratings for the U.S. have
fallen from 61% to 15% in Indonesia and
from 71% to 38% among Muslims in Nigeria."1 Several
recent reports have identified that the U.S. war
on terrorism and the attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq are
the primary reasons for this growing aversion since 9/11.2 The
following discussion explores the role of U.S. 9/11 detention and deportation policies
in escalating this anti-American sentiment.
Since September 11, more than six thousand individuals have
been deported to the twenty-four Muslim countries that became subject to
the Special Registration Requirements by the end of 2002.3 The
number of deportees for these countries doubled consecutively for the fiscal
years 2002 (2,214) and 2003 (2,305) from the fiscal year 2001 (1,119).4 Additional deportations are in progress. Local newspapers
in Pakistan, Egypt, and other Middle Eastern countries are
publishing stories based on interviews with detainees and deportees that
explain how they became victims of discriminatory U.S. immigration policies after 9/11. These mass
deportations are substantiating fears that the United States has become
blindly hostile to Islam and Muslims.
Historically, the majority of young people in developing
countries have been fascinated by and attracted to images of the United States as
the leading economic superpower. Before 9/11, there was some anti-American
sentiment primarily due to U.S. policies in the Middle East;5 however, it was paralleled by a desire to immigrate to
the United States.
The highly publicized availability of technological, scientific, and educational
opportunities has stirred the hearts of many literate, middle-class young
people who, despite their talents and education, felt underemployed due to
a lack of socioeconomic opportunities in their home countries. On visits
to their countries of origin, immigrants to the United States painted the picture of a country
where anything was possible. Seeing technological devices from high-speed
laptop computers and digital cameras to sound equipment—in the hands of the
man who once lived in the old neighborhood—confirmed for many that this dreamland
called America was
real and within reach.
While noting fascination with the economic opportunities
available in the United
States during my interviews with deportees, their family
members, and members of their larger community, I also observed a new sense
of resentment combined with fear. I noted that a growing number of individuals
are reluctant to migrate to the United States. This hesitation is most obvious
among the people who were more familiar with the recent detentions and deportations.
For example, one of my uncles is a high-profile retired Pakistani diplomat.
During an informal conversation, I asked him to visit the University of California at Berkeley
to give a talk about the U.S./Pakistan relationship. He looked at me, smiled,
and said, "No. I don't want to be finger-printed." Similarly, Lamya
Tawfik, a writer and journalist in Cairo
who wears hijab (head scarf) was searching for a Ph.D. program after
finishing her master's in mass communication. Right after 9/11, she heard
about INS discriminatory policies through her work with Islam On-Line.6 Now, she is not even looking at American universities.
Before 9/11, the U.S. support
for Israel was disturbing
for her; however, she felt that the U.S. administration was under the influence of
the Jewish lobby. After 9/11, the treatment of Muslims in the United States and the attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq have
left no hope for the United
States, according to Tawfik. She has even stopped drinking
Pepsi and Coca-Cola to express her dismay with U.S. foreign and
internal policies dealing with Muslims.7 Some
other young individuals like Tawfik are reluctant to move to the United States
and are boycotting American products, such as McDonald’s, again in protest
of U.S. policies.
Beyond these individual encounters, I also observed that
many Muslim American families have started to question their decision to
settle in the United States.
There is a small but significant out-migration trend, especially among individuals
with families. During my visit to Pakistan in
January 2003, I was told about many families moving back to Islamabad, Lahore,
and Karachi from New York and New Jersey. People with uncertain immigration status have been moving
to other industrial countries. Many major newspapers reported an increase
in Muslim migration to Canada in early 2003.8 Educational institutions in the United States have reported a decline in the
enrollment of international students from Muslim countries. Meanwhile, Australia, New Zealand, and other English-speaking countries
have noted a significant increase in their enrollment of international students.9 It
may be that the image of the United
States is changing. Many immigrants from predominantly
Muslim countries fear that their race, ethnicity, and religion may place
them in humiliating and unpleasant situations. As a result, many of the individuals
with money are choosing other industrialized countries for educational and
I suggest that the 9/11 detention and deportation policies
will have an impact that is far reaching and beyond what analysts anticipate.
In this chapter, I explore the nuances of the various emerging and evolving
images of the United States among
Muslim communities that have been affected by U.S. detention and deportation policies. I have
interviewed more than fifty deportees, their friends and family members,
and members of the larger community in Pakistan, Egypt, India,
and Trinidad. The interviews intended to explore the
following questions: (1) Have deportees' attitudes toward the United
States changed since 9/11? (2) What do deportees tell
friends and family about their experiences? (3) What are some of the emerging
perceptions and responses of the general public toward the United States? and
(4) What are some of the long-term impacts of the U.S. 9/11 detention and deportation policies?
PERCEPTIONS OF THE DEPORTEES TOWARD THE UNITED STATES
For me, America was
the land of opportunity. I thought I was lucky to be in a liberal and democratic
country. The dreamland and the land of opportunity became hell for me after
During my interviews, an overwhelming majority of the deportees
could not find a single justification for U.S. detention or deportation policies. One common
question was why millions of undocumented non-Muslim immigrants living in
the United States were
not similarly affected. For the interviewees, U.S. 9/11
detention policies were discriminatory against Muslims specifically. Noting
the method of racial profiling used for arrests of large numbers of Muslims
on minor immigration charges, the humiliating modes of investigation, long
detentions after arrests, attitudes of judges, and abusive treatment by local
enforcement officers, they were convinced that Muslims were scapegoated for
the World Trade Center attacks. In their view, justice is not possible in
the current political climate.
Umar Mohammad, a 31-year-old Egyptian who was one of the
many men arrested in October 2001 from Brooklyn, New
York, was arrested for overstaying his visa. After undergoing a brief interview
by an FBI agent at the Federal Plaza
in Manhattan, Umar and his friends were transported to
the Administrative Maximum Special Housing Unit of Metropolitan Detention
Center (MDC) in Brooklyn. After being placed in solitary
confinement in the most restrictive type of Special Housing Unit, Umar and
other detainees "were locked down 23 hours a day, were placed in four-man
holds during movement, had restricted phone call and visitation privileges,
and his ability to obtain and communicate with legal counsel was constrained" at
the pretrial stage.11 Umar was denied bail
due to national security and flight risk concerns. Even though the judge
granted him a deportation order to Egypt in January 2002, he was deported in May
2002, much later than the required ninety-day removal period. Since the airline
held onto Umar's travel documents during his deportation flight, the local
police in Amsterdam placed him in an airport jail during his stay over there.
Upon his arrival in Egypt, local authorities questioned him and kept
him overnight in detention. After his release, local Egyptian authorities
summoned and questioned him again at the beginning of 2003.12
I met Umar in Alexandria
in April 2003. During the last year, Umar married. He is now thinking about
starting a family. Although Umar used to teach at a local university, he
is currently managing a food import/export business. He indicated that he
could not continue with his career as an educator since he has had to rethink
and figure out the meaning of democracy, freedom, justice, and equality.
I don't know what I am going to tell my students if they
ask me what I think about the United States. . . . Before 9/11, I used to
be a big believer in the American life-style, democracy, freedom, and human
rights. . . . But after what happened, [my thoughts have] totally changed.
I feel what they used to sell us about human rights, about freedom, about
democracy, it was all crap. . . . They were only waiting for an excuse to
violate human rights; waiting for an excuse to change from democracy to autocracy;
just waiting for an excuse. . . . I don't believe in the United States anymore as a role model of how
human beings should live. Because if you can discriminate between people
based on religion or color, . . . [y]ou are another dictatorship, you are
another Rwanda .
. . Yugoslavia .
. . whatever . . . another one of those countries. The way I look at things
has totally changed.13
Along with Umar, most of the deportees that I talked to
had a different impression about the U.S. justice system after their experience in U.S. jails.
Mohammad Azmath, a man arrested on September 12, 2001, was eventually charged with credit
card fraud. He was placed in solitary confinement for more than nine months
at MDC. During his interview, he stated that he was under the impression
that the American justice system was the best in terms of respect for human
and legal rights. But after his experience at MDC, he believes that there
are two different sides to the American justice system—one for the inside
and one for the outside. Inside jail, enforcement officials violate all human
rights and values. They treat human beings worse than animals by subjecting
them to mental and physical torture. To the outside world, they preach human
rights. The United States undertakes wars to spread democracy but where is
the democracy in the United States?14 Similarly,
for Ahmad and Walid, two other deportees from Egypt, the U.S. justice system is no
better than the autocratic system of Egypt. There is no democracy, equality, and human
rights, especially for Muslims after 9/11.15
In addition, the immediate family members of the deportees
have a new perspective on the United
States. For example, Tasleem, the wife of Azmath Mohammed,
of Hyderabad, India, had a positive view of the United States. After her
husband's abusive detention for months, that positive image was tarnished.16 For
Uzma Naheed, wife of another 9/11 deportee, Ansar
Mahmood, America stood
for freedom and diversity. She was happily living in her suburban home in Bayonne, New Jersey. After
9/11, her husband's confinement in a high-security jail for an expired visa
and the unresponsiveness of the justice system convinced her that the America that
she knew has changed. She recalled several incidents when the general American
public saw her differently because of her Pakistani clothing. One day, she
was standing outside her house and the kids walking on the street pointed
to her and the house and said, "They did it."17
Despite these painful experiences, many of the deportees
are interested in returning to the United
States. The unavailability of jobs in their home countries
is one of the primary reasons. Moreover, some are accustomed to American
life and feel alienated in homelands that they have not seen for decades.
My conversation with one of the deportees reflects ambiguous sentiments toward
the United States. He harbors both desire and fear,
which leads to a sense of hesitation:
I am scared to go there again regardless of I want to go
there or not. Honestly, I want to go there again because of my money and
company. Whatever I have is still over there. I can't get it here, so I need
to go there to get it. To be honest with you, I want to live over there because
I have a better life than what I have over here. But the question is that
I am really scared. . . . Even my family, they don't want me to go there
again, regardless of I have lot of things or not. They don't want me! They
tell me, go to another country. Personally, I am afraid that I will be walking
in the street and some [enforcement] guy would stop me and ask me to see
my wallet . . . and within one minute or the other, I would find myself in
a big shit hole because my name is Ahmad and I am a Muslim guy . . . this
is what makes [me] scared. I don't feel safe as long as I am a Muslim, Arab
and live between the American people anymore. I love the country, I love
the opportunities . . . but I am scared.18
SHARING INFORMATION WITH THE LARGER COMMUNITIES
Many of the deportees feel uncomfortable and ashamed in
admitting that the American government has been discriminatory toward them.
Most of the deportees I talked to had told a limited number of people about
their detention experiences. Some had told their close family members but
not the entire community. One told his extended family that he was on vacation
and would be returning to the United States soon.19 Ahmad
Aly, another deportee in Alexandria, Egypt,
had called his friends from the jail during his ten months of detention and
told them that he was calling from his Brooklyn apartment.20 Some
specified the reasons for not being able to talk about what happened to them: "I
talked to only those people who already know that I have been deported. .
. . I did not feel comfortable in telling people that I was deported or in
jail. I don't think that it feels good. People over here don't understand.
They would be surprised of my detention story."21
Deportees' inclination to remain silent about their detentions
is not surprising. Jailed for minor immigration violations, stigmatized as
criminals, dispersed in more than thirty countries after deportation, disconnected
from each other, fearful of future prosecution, unable to trust others, and
powerless to explain their perspective to the larger community, they feel
guilty and alienated. The U.S. government capitalized
on the notion that all 9/11 detainees were "guilty" of immigration
or criminal violations. At congressional hearings, public forums, and press
conferences, Department of Justice officials stressed the "illegal" status
of immigrants and insisted that the government acted properly. For example,
in response to the Office of Inspector General report about September 11
detainees, which confirmed that immigration detainees were abused and wrongfully
connected with 9/11 investigations, Barbara Comstock, a spokeswoman for the
Justice Department, noted: "We make no apologies for finding every legal
way possible to protect the American public from further terrorist attacks."22 Many
of the politicians also claimed that this is about "sacrifices" necessary
for national security. Undocumented immigrants without voting power could
not garner sympathy or support from politicians and became scapegoats in
the government's national security discourse.
EMERGING RESPONSES AND IMAGES OF THE GENERAL PUBLIC
Even though most of the deportees are reluctant to share
intimate details about their cases with the general public, some do talk
openly and even suggest that their fellow citizens should not migrate to
the United States. The voices
of these individuals are heard and their message goes far. For example, Jamal
Shabaz, a national football coach in Trinidad who spent
months in a Special Housing Unit of the Federal Detention Center
in Florida for a technical immigration violation
after 9/11, indicated that since he returned to Trinidad, he has given several talks to fellow Muslims at conferences
and gatherings. His advice to other Muslims is "Don't go to the U.S." He
stated he would not send his son to the United States, at least not now.
He will reconsider after the United States becomes Muslim friendly.23 Another deportee in Pakistan said
that he would pray in the ears of his son so that he won't think about going
to the United States.24 One
deportee in Egypt indicated that his advice to a fellow young
man who may be thinking about going to the United States is to weigh
the advantages and disadvantages. For him, disadvantages outweigh advantages
unless a new administration overturns "all these racist emergency laws
and regulations that came out after 9/11."25 Azhar Bahrai, a deportee in Pakistan,
said that his advice to fellow Pakistanis in the United States is "Come
back to your homeland." He felt that the charm of America had disappeared and
people are now thinking about going to other parts of the world.26 Mohammad
Maddy, another deportee in Egypt, picked me up from
the airport in April 2003. On the way to the hotel, he told the taxi driver
about his detention in New York.
The same evening, he repeated his story to another man that he met for the
first time in the street. He has appeared at several local and international
television stations since he was deported to Egypt. For him, it is important
to talk because the truth about the United States has to come out.27
Local and international newspapers are spreading the word
that the United States is detaining and deporting Muslim males. In particular,
the image of hundreds of deportees returning home in handcuffs on
chartered flights to Pakistan made a big impression.28 On June 29, 2002, after the first chartered
plane arrived in Islamabad, BBC
headlines read, "Pakistanis Tell of U.S. Prison Horror." Including
interviews of deportees who touched their foreheads to the ground as soon
as they landed and chanted slogans, the article stated, "Pakistanis
repatriated . . . have suffered months of 'degradation' and 'abuse' in prisons
across the United States."29 The Internet edition of Jung, a local newspaper
in Karachi, reported, "PTI
leader slates U.S. for deporting Pakistanis in fetters."30 While
the desire for better economic opportunities still prevails, reading these
stories has caused deportees, friends, family members, and the general public
to reevaluate their perceptions about the United States and to reassess their
thoughts about migrating to the United States.
For example, in Cairo,
Wael Kishk's sister, a student in child psychology, was planning to pursue
her Ph.D. in the United States before 9/11. After listening to the details
of her brother's year-long detention in solitary confinement at MDC and Passaic County jail, she has changed her mind.
Currently, she is looking for a program in England.31 Similarly, Yusuf Ahmed's parents no longer have any
desire to visit the United States. Before Yusuf's detention in a high-security
jail for a minor immigration violation, they used to visit him on a yearly
basis. Yusuf's sister, who works in England, used to visit her
American friend in the United States before 9/11. Now she avoids the United
States. Her friend visits her either in England or in Egypt.32
Along with the family members of deportees, potential visitors
to the United States are hesitant. In Cairo, Balal Mohammad, a local pharmacist and journalist in his 30s,
heard about U.S. detention policies through some of his Egyptian
friends who underwent humiliating searches at American airports during travels.
Before 9/11, Balal was interested in coming to the United States for pleasure.
Now after "seeing the real colors of the U.S.," he is not interested.
For him reliance on racial profiling has brought the United States down to
just another third-world country after 9/11. He questioned, "What is
the use of intelligence technology, if the U.S. is going to rely on
In another case, Ibrahim, a 25-year-old R&B soul musician
in Trinidad, wants to migrate to New
Jersey to work professionally with the "real R&B" scene. His
father, a marketing manager for a local oil company, experienced a long and
embarrassing interrogation on one of his latest business trips to the United
States. Ibrahim felt that his father's Muslim looks were the determining
factor since he had been to the United States several times before for business.
For the advancement of his music, Ibrahim wants to go to the United States,
but he wonders about the harassment he may experience because of his name.
He thinks that he can pass for black or Latino according to how he dresses,
so he plans to dress that way in hopes that airport security might
not give him such a hard time.34
Beyond fear of government authorities, there is a certain
fear of the American public among potential immigrants and visitors. Ahmad
Said, a Claymation artist from Egypt who was awarded a residency
in an art studio in Vermont, indicated
that he is "a little afraid" to go the United States because he
might experience harassment for being the "wrong" color, religion,
or ethnicity. His fear is based on experiences with Americans that he meets
on a daily basis in Internet chat rooms. As soon as he mentions that he is
from Egypt or
is a Muslim in the chat room, some American is sure to insult him about camels,
deserts, or terrorism. Before 9/11, these kinds of attacks were rare. He
is afraid to experience similar abuse after he arrives in the United States.35
Similar fears are diverting international students to Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and other English-
speaking countries instead of the United States for higher education. Over
the last two years, many institutions reported a decline in the number of
international students coming to the United States, especially from the Muslim
world. In 2002, the Arab American Institute documented a decline in the enrollment
of students from the Middle East.36 The Institute of International Education's fall 2003 online survey reported "significant
drops in new admissions from China (36%
of the respondents), Saudi
Arabia (29.2%), Pakistan (27.7%), the United Arab Emirates (22.5%),
and Egypt (15.9%)."37 The Chronicle
of Higher Education reported similar trends over the last two years with
article headings such as "Foreign-Student Enrollment Stagnates" and "Security
at Home Creates Insecurity Abroad."38
Although stringent U.S. visa requirements and the sluggish global
economy contribute to this enrollment drop, Peter D. Syverson, Vice President
for Research and Information Services for the Council of Graduate Schools,
states that "the thinking abroad is that the U.S. is not as welcoming."39 My
telephone conversation with a representative from AMIDEAST in Washington,
a Middle Eastern educational organization, confirms that students are choosing
non-American universities because they are afraid of having to undergo humiliating
searches, investigations, or procedures at U.S. airports. Stories of
Muslim students undergoing detentions or lengthy interrogations for minor
technical immigration matters discourage potential students from even applying
to the universities in the United States. Personal encounters and news stories
have persuaded potential students that the United States is a less than welcoming
place for young Muslim males.40 Nelly El Zayat,
a senior educational advisor with AMIDEAST in Cairo, reconfirmed similar trends and added that stringent U.S. security
requirements are deterring students from even applying to U.S. universities.
International students who generally come from the upper middle class have
the flexibility to move around and therefore prefer to deal with Canadian
or British embassies, where they find red carpet treatment. She indicated
that all female students who practice hijab are concerned about potential
harassment in the United States.41
This enrollment decline is a significant issue for American
universities since foreign students are a large source of income. Open
Doors 2003 reported that international students contribute nearly 12
billion dollars to the U.S. economy in money spent
on tuition, living expenses, and related costs. Department of Commerce data
describes U.S. higher
education as the country's fifth largest service export sector.42 Similarly, a highly educated immigrant population has
been providing skilled labor needed for U.S. technology, and "brain drain" migration
has been credited for U.S. technological advancement. U.S. policymakers recognize
the importance of this revenue and supply of skilled labor. A year after
9/11 the State Department sent delegates to the Middle East trying to convince
potential students that the United States welcomes them.43 However, the personal stories of friends, relatives,
and countrymen prevail over the assurances made by some distant bureaucrats.
LONG-TERM IMPACTS OF SENDING DEPORTEES
In Pakistan, Egypt, India,
and Trinidad, I met deportees who had been ambitious
and willing workers in the United States. Whether they worked as high-tech
engineers, entrepreneurs, taxi drivers, or gas station operators, America provided employment
and advancement opportunities that their home country could not. They took
advantage of those opportunities and worked ten to sixteen hours per day.
Immigrants' remittance strengthened the economies of their home countries
and provided food, shelter, and amenities to immediate and extended families.
However, their hard work not only benefited them but also made significant
contributions to the U.S. economy.
For example, the National Immigration Forum stated that immigrant workers
are essential for the expanding U.S. economy. Immigrants add about $10 billion
each year to the U.S. economy.44
These immigrants were the real ambassadors of the United States. For decades,
they returned home from the United States with stories about a land of opportunity
and freedom, and now they are returning with the personal accounts of their
horrific and painful experiences. The worst thing is that they are angry
at the United States for
discriminatory immigration policies, snatching and destroying businesses
and assets, and undermining their long years of labor. Even though most of
the deportees are reluctant to talk about their detention/deportation experiences
openly, they have talked to their immediate family members and friends. These
families and close friends are slowly finding ways to communicate to the
larger communities. Local and international newspapers are also publishing
stories about the United States targeting Muslim populations. The very presence
of these deportees in their homelands affirms fears that the United States
is against the Muslim world as a whole and is finding ways to get rid of
Muslims. Resentment and anger could have a far-reaching impact on the safety
of the United States and its people. Some of the people
that I interviewed highlighted the national security concerns:
One hundred and three deportees arrived here today. People
may have been deported to other parts of the world also, but we feel that Pakistan is the target. There
were so many Mexicans over there. They were also unauthorized and illegal.
There were people of other nationalities also. But particularly they targeted
people of Pakistani nationality or Arabs or Muslims. The response of this
targeting is not going to be good. The 103 persons who are here, each of
them have 103 families. They are impacted. They have a separate reaction.
This will lead to develop anti-American feelings . . . in some ways. These
[sentiments] already exist.45
The way it impacted my children is really bothering me. .
. . They think in a different way now. . . . They want to know who is a terrorist.
Why people become terrorists? Tomorrow, if they become terrorists who is
going to be responsible for that?46
Bush just wanted to show everyone that I am working hard.
Look at this, I rounded up 1000 potential terrorists that would make Americans
feel safer. . . . I feel less safe, much less safe. . . . [T]hese guys are
obviously not terrorists at this point . . . but they are going back to their
home countries, or have gone back to their own home countries, hating our
guts for what we did to them. So they can potentially become terrorists because
they are so furious to the United States. That is not smart to me.47
As mentioned earlier, hostility toward the United States
is on the rise. Public diplomacy groups have found that since 9/11 attitudes
toward the United States "have become a central national security concern."48 The
Department of Homeland Security Web site recognizes that its primary mission
is to prevent terrorist attacks within the United
States. Over the last year, it has spent nearly $40
billion to secure borders and improve coordination of intelligence and information
technology.49 Securing borders and training
staff are important strategies to prevent future attacks; however, by arresting
or throwing hardworking individuals out of the country and increasing hostility
toward the United States, the very mission of the Department of Homeland
Security is undermined and could very well backfire. The United States may
just be providing more angry bodies to the recruiting agents of terrorist
organizations. By increasing hostility, the U.S. 9/11 immigration policies
have made America more
vulnerable to additional terrorist attacks.
The Advisory Group on Public Diplomacy for the Arab and
Muslim World's recent report stated that "transformed public diplomacy
can make America safe."50 The
Center for the Study of the Presidency also made suggestions to strengthen
U.S./Muslim communications.51 These suggestions must be taken seriously to achieve
a comprehensive and long-term national security plan. Along with preventing
terrorist attacks, the Department of Homeland Security must spend resources
in understanding and eradicating the root causes of terrorism.
1. Pew Research Center for
the People and the Press, Views of a Changing World 2003: War with Iraq Further Divides Global Publics (Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center
for the People and the Press, June
2. Advisory Group on Public Diplomacy for the
Arab and Muslim World, Changing Minds, Winning Peace: A New Strategic
Direction for U.S. Public Diplomacy in the Arab and Muslim World (Washington,
D.C.: October 1, 2003); Phyllis d'Hoop, ed., An Initiative: Strengthening
U.S.-Muslim Communications (Washington, D.C.: Center for the Study
of the Presidency, July 2003); and James Zogby, What Arabs Think: Values,
Beliefs, and Concerns (Washington, D.C: Arab Thought Foundation, 2002).
3. These countries are Afghanistan,
Algeria, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Egypt, Eritrea, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq,
Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya,
Morocco, North Korea, Oman, Pakistan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. As
of December 2, 2003, such registration was no longer required.
4. U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Immigration
Statistics, Removals by Nationality (Including Expedited Removals) Fiscal
Years 2001–2004 (Washington, D.C., February 2004).
5. d'Hoop, Strengthening U.S.-Muslim
6. Islam Online is one of the largest
Web sites catering to Muslims in the United States.
7. Lamya Tawfik, interview by Irum
Shiekh, written notes, April
8. Abdus Sattar Ghazali, "Pakistanis'
Exodus to Canada Accelerates," Dawn, March
16, 2003, http://www.dawn.com/2003/03/17/top5.htm;
and Margaret Philip, "Pakistanis Flocking to Canada," Globe and Mail (March
9. Arab American Institute, Delays
Caused by New Visa Regulations Are Behind Drop in Number of Arab Students
in the United States (Washington, D.C.: Arab American Institute,
2002); and Institute of International Education, Fall 2003 Survey
Report on International Educational Exchange: IIENetwork Online Survey
Summary of Results, survey conducted October 1–17, 2003 (New York:
Institute of International Education, November 17, 2003), http://opendoors.iienetwork.org/?p=36558.
10. Ayub Khan, personal written
statement to whomever it may concern, Hyderabad, India,
11. U.S. Department of Justice,
Office of the Inspector General, The September 11 Detainees: A Review
of the Treatment of Aliens Held on Immigration Charges in Connection with
the Investigation of the September 11 Attacks (Washington, D.C., April 2003), 17.
12. Umar Mohammad, interview by
Irum Shiekh, audiotape recording, Alexandria, Egypt,
14. Mohammed Jaweed Azmath, interview
by Irum Shiekh, audiotape recording translated from Urdu, Hyderabad, India, March 2003.
15. Ahmad Khalifa, interview by
Irum Shiekh, audiotape recording, Alexandria, Egypt, April 2003; and Walid
[last name withheld], interview by Irum Shiekh, audiotape recording, Alexandria,
Egypt, April 2003.
16. Tasleem Mohammad, interview
by Irum Shiekh, audiotape recording translated from Urdu, Hyderabad, India,
17. Uzma Naheed, interview by Irum
Shiekh, audiotape recording translated from Urdu, Lahore, Pakistan,
18. Raheem Mohammad [pseudonym],
interview by Irum Shiekh, audiotape recording, Alexandria, Egypt,
19. Karni Ahmed [pseudonym], interview
by Irum Shiekh, written notes, Karachi, Pakistan,
20. Ahmad Aly, interview by Irum
Shiekh, audiotape recording, Alexandria, Egypt,
21. Aisha Mohammad, interview by
Irum Shiekh, audiotape recording translated from Urdu, Gujrat, Pakistan,
22. Eric Lichtblau, "U.S. Report Faults the Roundup
of Illegal Immigrants after 9/11," New York Times (June 3, 2003).
23. Jamal Shabaz, interview by
Irum Shiekh, written notes, St.
Augustine, Trinidad, January 2004.
24. Ahmar [last name withheld],
interview by Irum Shiekh, audiotape recording translated from Urdu, Lahore, Pakistan,
25. Yusuf Ahmed [pseudonym], e-mail
message to author, March 2004.
26. Azhar Bahari, interview by
Irum Shiekh, audiotape recording translated from Urdu, Islamabad, Pakistan,
27. Mohammad Maddy, interview by
Irum Shiekh, audiotape recording, Cairo, Egypt,
28. Imran Ali, telephone conversation
with author, Pakistani consulate, Washington, D.C., July 2003. Since 9/11, five
chartered flights have been used to deport more than one thousand Pakistanis.
29. Owais Tohid, "Pakistanis
Tell of U.S. Prison Horror," BBC, June 29, 2002, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/2074857.stm.
30. The News International, PTI
Leader Slates U.S. for Deporting Pakistanis in Fetters (Internet
Edition), July 1, 2002, retrieved March 22, 2004, http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/jul2002-daily/01-07-2002/metro/k11.htm.
Kishk, interview by Irum Shiekh, written notes, Cairo, Egypt, April
32. Yusuf Ahmed,
e-mail message to author, March 2004.
33. Balal Mohammad [pseudonym],
interview by Irum Shiekh, written notes, Cairo, Egypt, April
34. Ibrahim [last name withheld],
interview by Irum Shiekh, written notes, St. Augustine, Trinidad, January
35. Ahmad Said, online conversation
with author, March 20, 2004.
36. Arab American Institute, Delays
Caused by New Visa Regulations.
37. Institute of International Education, Fall
2003 Survey Report.
38. Michael Arnone, "Security
at Home Creates Insecurity Abroad: With Fewer Foreign Students Applying
to U.S. Colleges, Federal Visa Rules Get the Blame," Chronicle
of Higher Education 50, no. 27 (2004); and Jennifer Jacobson, "Foreign-Student
Enrollment Stagnates," Chronicle of Higher Education 50, no.
39. Arnone, "Security at Home."
40. America-Mideast Educational
and Training Services, telephone conversation with author, March 20, 2004.
41. Nelly El Zayat, interview by
Irum Shiekh, written notes, Cairo, Egypt,
42. Institute of International Education, Open Doors 2003: International Student
Enrollment Growth Slows in 2002/2003, Large Gains from Leading Countries
Offset Numerous Decreases (New
York: Institute of International Education, November 3, 2003), http://opendoors.iienetwork.org/?p=36523.
43. America-Mideast Educational
and Training Services, telephone conversation with author.
44. National Immigration Forum, Immigrants
and the Economy, retrieved April 13, 2004, http://www.immigrationforum.org/pubs/articles/economy2002.htm.
45. Ansar Mahmood Father, interview
by Irum Shiekh, audiotape recording translated from Urdu, Karachi, Pakistan,
46. Naheed, interview by Irum Shiekh.
47. Sandra Nichols, interview by
Irum Shiekh, audiotape recording, New
York, January 2003.
48. Advisory Group on Public Diplomacy
for the Arab and Muslim World, Changing Minds, Winning Peace, 19.
49. U.S. Department of Homeland
Security, Mission (Washington, D.C.,
2003), http://www.dhs.gov/. www.dhs.gov/dhspublic/display?theme=10&content=3240.
50. Advisory Group on Public Diplomacy
for the Arab and Muslim World, Changing Minds, Winning Peace, 17.
51. d'Hoop, Strengthening U.S.-Muslim